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No 4 (132) (2025)
САНКЦИОННАЯ ПОЛИТИКА
The US, the UK and the EU Secondary Sanctions Related to Russia: Comparative Analysis
Abstract
Since 2022 the U.S., the UK and the EU have extensively used secondary sanctions against companies and organisations in third countries to bolster the policy of sanctions targeting Russia. Research literature provides numerous pieces on sanctions, however, it lacks empirical data on current use of secondary sanctions related to Russia. The aim of the article is to cope with this gap. What are the quantitative parameters of the U.S., the UK and the EU secondary sanctions? Do they have the same patterns? What countries are most affected and what are the reasons to impose restrictions? What kind of companies emerge in the lists of blocked persons under the policy of secondary sanctions? The main assumption implies that the U.S. must have a significant quantitative advantage in terms of numbers of sanctioned organisations, however, the patterns of sanctioning in terms of countries affected and other parameters must be the same due to alliance relations between the initiators' concerned. The analysis relies on quantitative dataset on the use of secondary sanctions, composed by the author. It reveals major differences between the U.S., on the one hand, and the UK and the EU, on the other, indicated by tremendous gap in numbers of sanctioned persons. However, all the three initiators of sanctions target mostly the companies from China, UAE and Turkey. Export control is a major trigger to use secondary sanctions. The "no name" companies compose the majority of sanctioned organisations in all the three cases.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2025;(4 (132)):5–17
5–17
Rigidity of the EU Sanctions Against Russia: the Ontological Security Prism
Abstract
The EU sanctions against Russia and their harshness surprised both practitioners and scholars alike. Today’s academic and policy discussion assesses the consequences of sanctions for the EU, Russia and their relations, as well as examines institutional and normative aspects of sanctions’ adoption and implementation. In this context the article aims to formulate on the basis of the ontological security concept two underestimated factors that lead to the rigidity of the EU’s sanctions against Russia. The first one is linked to the EU identity, to the myth of integration as a project of peace and values promotion. Sanctions become an instrument, which helps the EU to preserve its identity by fencing away those who do not agree. The second factor is linked to the ontological security of EU citizens. Here sanctions allow the EU to securitize economic recession, immigration and some other aspects, to put the blame for them on Russia, which eases the feeling of ontological insecurity among citizens. As a result of such articulation, some structural changes take place both inside the EU and in its external relations. Firstly, the elite and the grassroots reconcile; for both groups sanctions become a way to guarantee security. Secondly, institutional changes that cement sanctions are legitimized. Finally, sanctions become the EU instrument for structuring the global space around, and dividing it into the large spectrum of like-minded partners, and others. Two factors demonstrate that there is little likelihood that the EU would lift the sanctions in the medium-term perspective since it would increase its ontological insecurity.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2025;(4 (132)):18–30
18–30
EU Politicisation as a Factor of Sustainability of Sanctions Towards Russia: the Case of the European Parliament
Abstract
The article is dedicated to the analysis of the relationship between the EU politicisation and the dynamics of the sanctions regime against the Russian Federation. Based on the logic of the post-functionalist theory of European integration, the issues of European integration and the EU foreign policy within the framework of politicisation at the national level are challenged by Eurosceptic actors, creating impulses, including for the sustainability of the sanctions regime. In this context, understanding politicisation as the polarisation of positions on the EU's anti-Russian sanctions, the increased visibility of this issue in the discourse of institutions/actors and attempts by the latter to expand their influence by promoting initiatives within the framework of the sanctions course, the article analyses the politicisation of anti-Russian sanctions issues by the European Parliament in 2022-2025. The conclusions of the study are that in the case of the European Parliament the effect of limited politicisation within the framework of sanctions policy is formed, which implies the EP's interest in continuing the sanctions course and increasing its place within the framework of the CFSP, but does not lead to the EP's internal polarisation on the issue of anti-Russian sanctions. The latter could serve as a basis for revising/weakening the EP's role as an instigator of new sanctions restrictions against Moscow. Thus, the politicisation of the institution within the framework of the above-mentioned issues works to increase the sustainability of the EU sanctions regime against Russia.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2025;(4 (132)):31–40
31–40
Are the EU Energy Sanctions against Russia Rational?
Abstract
The article examines the rationality of the European Union's anti-Russian energy sanctions imposed after the start of Russia's Special Military Operation. Methodologically, the research relies on system, historical and comparative analysis, as well as discourse analysis. It is also based on the fundamental concepts of the theory of international relations. The irrationality of the EU is seen in the fact that, due to harsh energy sanctions, it has not only failed to influence Moscow's policy, but has also caused significant damage to its own economy and the welfare of its citizens. However, the article concludes that the affordability of energy supply is only one side of the energy trilemma. By refusing to import relatively cheap Russian fossil fuels, the EU may act quite rationally, since it prioritized safe and at the same time sustainable energy supply, including with an eye to a fundamental transformation of its economic model in the coming decades. As for realism and liberalism, the EU's anti-Russian energy sanctions may also seem rational. In the first case, the EU, by imposing energy sanctions against Russia, could keep a geopolitical rivalry and the competition for a new world order in mind. In the second case, it could sacrifice mutually beneficial energy cooperation for the sake of its liberal ideals. The main conclusion is that it is more correct not to associate the EU’s energy sanctions imposed on Russia only with irrationality, but also to try to see a different rationality in them.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2025;(4 (132)):41-51
41-51
Kaliningrad Region in the Framework of EU Sanction Policy
Abstract
Due to its geographical position, the Kaliningrad region always has had a special place in the context of relations between Russia and the EU. For this reason, the introduction of large-scale restrictive measures by the EU against Russia led to a significant negative impact on the development of the Kaliningrad region. In this regard, a scientific problem arises: the identification, systematisation and analysis of unilateral restrictions and other measures taken by the EU and EU member states and directly affecting the development of the Kaliningrad region. The purpose of this article is to identify essential characteristics of the EU restrictive measures, as well as other equivalent measures that have a direct impact on the Kaliningrad region. The author identifies the main restrictions at the Union and national levels, classifies them and determines their legal nature. He concludes that the EU restrictive measures and other equivalent measures have a greater negative impact on ensuring transport accessibility of the Kaliningrad region. Restrictions on land transit contradict the requirements of current international law, but there are no effective legal tools to counteract such measures. In these conditions, the key role in ensuring the transport connectivity of the Kaliningrad region with the main part of Russia belongs to sea and air transport.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2025;(4 (132)):52-63
52-63
EUROPEAN PROCESS: COUNTRIES AND REGIONS
Unfulfilled Divergence: Paradoxes of the UK’s Legal Development after Brexit
Abstract
The paper examines the paradoxes of the UK’s legal development following its withdrawal from the European Union (Brexit), which, contrary to expectations of full legal autonomy, has revealed the resilience of integration ties and the limited extent of actual divergence. The authors explore the contradiction between the proclaimed restoration of sovereignty and the continued substantial influence of EU law on the British legal system. Special attention is paid to the mechanisms of incorporating "retained" and "assimilated" EU law into domestic legislation, as well as the role of the Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA) in maintaining normative convergence. Empirical evidence demonstrates that, despite political rhetoric about divergence, much of the acquis communautaire remains unchanged, with UK law in certain areas continuing to align with European standards. The paper analyzes institutional and economic factors constraining radical legal separation, including pressure from the business community and the need to maintain compatibility with the EU single market. The analysis concludes that Brexit has not led to a complete severance of legal ties but has instead transformed them into a new form of interaction, where autonomy coexists with the necessity of adapting to EU regulatory realities. The study contributes to the understanding of disintegration processes in law, highlighting the enduring nature of integration legacies and the methodological significance of the UK’s experience for other regional organizations, including the Eurasian Economic Union.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2025;(4 (132)):64-76
64-76
Specifics of US-EU Cooperation amid Strategic Competition with China
Abstract
The article is devoted to the specifics of bilateral cooperation between the US and the EU in the sphere of strategic competition with China. Along with the growth of China's economic and military-political capabilities, a global confrontation between Washington and Beijing has emerged in the system of international relations. American only ally comparable in scale is the European Union, and bilateral cooperation in this emerging confrontation has become a priority of the ambitious diplomatic agenda. An important factor is European integration and the trend towards Common Security and Defense Policy. At the same time, cooperation between the US and the EU in the context of strategic rivalry with China has a number of unique features. First, the US and the EU continue intensive mutually beneficial economic trade and investment cooperation with China. The economic dimension is much more important in the context of current strategic competition, compared to the Soviet-American confrontation during the Cold War. Cooperation between the US and the EU is aimed at containing the competitiveness of the Chinese economy. Second, in the military-political dimension, NATO remains the most important actor. In addition, an important trend is the involvement of regional partners in the Asia-Pacific region in the orbit of the US and the EU. Third, an important aspect is technological rivalry aimed at limiting the military-technological potential of the PRC.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2025;(4 (132)):77-87
77-87
The EU Danube Strategy as an Element of Geopolitical Enclosure from Russia
Abstract
In the current geopolitical competition between the EU and the Russian Federation subregional cases are not always visible. At the same time, they play an important role both in shaping the future architecture of international relations in Europe and in understanding the common logic of the EU’s actions. One of such cases is the intention clearly articulated by Brussels of turning the Danube into an “internal river” of the EU. The article examines the Danube Strategy of the EU through the prism of the classical theory of realism based on a historical and comparative approach from a geopolitical perspective. The article substantiates the continuity and place of management of the Danube in the general logic of the development of relations between Russia and its European partners/competitors. It is examined in detail how the Danube management system is shifted from the organization of multilateral cooperation – the Danube Commission – to the internal management mechanisms of the EU. It is concluded that the EU Danube Strategy is not only complementary to the Green Deal and the strategy for the development of pan-European transport corridors, but also to the EU’s militarization policy as a whole. However, looking back, it can be stated that the periods of Russia’s absence from the Danube were never long, but have always been associated with increasing tension and the emergence of new lines of sub-regional confrontation, while the transformation of the Danube into a kind of a “bridge” of Europe has always brought obvious benefits to both the coastal states and the stability of the European architecture of international relations as a whole.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2025;(4 (132)):89–101
89–101
The African Direction of French Foreign Policy under the Rule of E. Macron: Discourse and Reality
Abstract
The article examines the challenge faced by contemporary France in maintaining its international status as a great power, focusing on the foreign policy of President Emmanuel Macron’s administration in Africa. On the basis of the analysis of external and internal factors of political and economic development of France and its role in the global system of international relations, the authors argue that the decline of French influence on the African continent is a natural and inevitable outcome of historical development. This process is not primarily determined by subjective factors, such as Macron’s reforms of France’s African strategy or the wave of military coups in Francophone Africa. The aim of this study is to analyse the impact of a subjective factor, specifically the foreign policy decisions of Macron and his government on the weakening of France’s position in Africa between 2017 and 2024. The study explores how the policies of the Macron administration, including the “new African discourse”, have contributed to the decline of French influence in the region. Under Macron, France has undergone a significant foreign policy shift, moving away from the traditional Francafrique model toward economic pragmatism and active promotion of democratization in African states. However, the findings suggest that Macron’s policies, including his revised African strategy, have had only a marginal effect on France’s declining influence. Instead, the legacy of past policy failures and broader structural factors played a far more decisive role in this process.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2025;(4 (132)):102-111
102-111
Austria: Unstable Power in the First Quarter of 21st Century
Abstract
The articled explores the process of government formation in Austria in the first quarter of this century with the Austrian People’s Party (ÖVP) and the Social Democrats (SPÖ) as the main actors. The Greens and the Liberals from New Austria (NEOS) also played a certain role. The article provides an assessment of the coalition cooperation between the ÖVP and the FPÖ in 2000–2006, the SPÖ and the FPÖ in 2007–2016, and the FPÖ and the Greens in 2019–2024. The features of the current FPÖ-SPÖ-Liberals coalition (since March of 2025) are highlighted. The main factors that determined the mentioned temporarily cooperation and following collapse of their coalitions are demonstrated. The author argues that the instability of governments is related to the unwillingness of political elites to solve both intra-Austrian and pan-European problems. Among the latter: the scale of immigration influx, issues of energy security in the Old World, and financial and economic features of the early XXI century are particularly important.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2025;(4 (132)):112-125
112-125
A Test of Strength: Polish Atlanticism in the Face of Geopolitical Uncertainty
Abstract
The emerging changes in the current Polish foreign policy and the changing role of the United States in Europe are a subject of particular scientific and practical interest in the context of the challenges and threats to the security of the Russian Federation. Polish Atlanticism, which has shaped Warsaw's international identity over the past decades, united the largest political forces in their approach to ensuring the country's defense capability, and found a response in public sentiment, is undergoing a strength test. The rapprochement between Warsaw and London, which is illustrated in the article using Polish doctrinal documents and bilateral agreements as an example, does not replace the usual Polish Atlanticism and does not cancel it, at the same time two distinct vectors of foreign policy efforts of the Polish establishment are emerging. With a formal Euro-Atlantic consensus of the elites, the president and his administration are inclined to strengthen cooperation with Washington, while demonstrating loyalty to the new American president. The prime minister and members of the government are making attempts to continue closer interaction with individual European countries (primarily with Britain), whose policies towards Russia and Ukraine diverge from the turbulent course of D. Trump.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2025;(4 (132)):126-136
126-136
Three Forms of Deliberation in Models of Deliberative Democracy
Abstract
The article examines the theoretical models of deliberative democracy in their opposition to the theoretical models of democratic elitism and participatory democracy. Having briefly described the features of the normative theory of deliberative democracy, the author proposes to distinguish three different forms of deliberation within this theory: microform, macroform and reflexive form. The microform involves discussion in specially formed small groups. The macroform is aimed at a nationwide discussion of socially significant problems (and correlates with direct democracy, defended by participatory democrats). Finally, the third form of deliberation, reflexive, suggests that genuine democracy is impossible without citizens reflecting on decisions made in the public space. It is argued that the distinction between micro- and macroforms of deliberative democracy in itself indicates that deliberative democracy does not completely break with democratic elitism and participatory democracy, since it is forced to lean either to the first or to the second in its assessment of the abilities and desire of citizens to participate in politics. However, some variations of the microform, as well as the reflexive form of deliberative democracy, radically transform the democratic ideal, since the "will of the people" ceases to play a decisive role in them. At the same time, the macroform of deliberative democracy is assessed by the author of the article as unrealistic, and therefore priority is given to the microform and reflexive form. In this regard, it is argued that the democratic theory is undergoing a revolutionary transformation, since democracy ceases to be associated with the will of the people.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2025;(4 (132)):137-146
137-146
PROBLEMS OF ECONOMY
The European Manufacturing: Development Tendencies
Abstract
The article is devoted to the assessment of the dynamics of the European industry with the special attention to the manufacturing sector as one of the economic development factors. It has demonstrated that not all pan-European objectives are implemented and correspond to emerging challenges despite the EU long-standing strategic goals. Main tendencies and imbalances of the EU manufacturing are analysed primarily based on statistical analysis tools and “case study”. The dynamics of the factors influencing the sector competitiveness indicates its difficult position and partial lack of competitiveness in relation to the USA. Problems of decreasing labour productivity growth rate and negative effects of the energy factor remain. The EU is still characterised by the significant gap with the USA by the level of labour productivity as well as by energy cost for industrial consumers, that actualises the problem of industry relocation outwards the integration union. Territorial transformations take place: along with the general decrease of the sector share in the EU economy and its key states, the opposite tendencies new industrial centers are observed. The foreign capital impact on the European manufacturing and its special importance for individual states is demonstrated.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2025;(4 (132)):147–161
147–161
A Network Approach to Studying Global Value Chains: The Case of the Balkan Peninsula
Abstract
The article attempts to identify structural characteristics of global value chains (GVCs) using the example of the Balkan Peninsula through a network-based approach. The relevance of the chosen topic is connected both with the region’s advantageous geographical location in terms of logistics routes and with the growing investment attractiveness for new regional actors, particularly China. The choice of methodology is based on the fact that modeling the GVC network, considering the number and density of chains, allows for an assessment of the characteristics of economic integration within the region and the identification of key actors. Although the Balkan countries are not formally part of a single economic space, they engage in economic relations both among themselves and with EU countries and third countries. At the same time, EU countries serve as the primary economic partners for the Balkan Peninsula. This raises the question: to what extent can the region conduct an independent economic policy without the participation of EU countries? What role do new actors, such as Turkey and China, play in the development of the region’s GVCs? Are the Balkan countries leaning towards integration with the EU or towards developing an independent common economic space? The constructed models of GCVs networks make it possible to assess the degree of a country’s involvement in the region’s GVCs (degree of centrality), identify strong bilateral connections between countries, and evaluate the overall configuration of the model. As a result of the analysis of the region’s GVC models for recent period it was shown that Italy and Germany play a key role in shaping the region’s connectivity through value chains. Notably, the countries within the region also establish connections among themselves, with a distinct group formed by the former Yugoslavian countries. In 2021–2025 China played a significant role in expanding trade with several countries in the region. Additionally, Serbia’s role in the GVCs increased during the same year. Nevertheless, at this stage, considering the economic conditions of the regional countries, it is difficult to speak of a realistic possibility of forming an autonomous common economic space independent of the EU.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2025;(4 (132)):162-176
162-176
Economic Modernisation of the Visegrad Group Countries Within Global Value Chains
Abstract
The article is dedicated to identifying the trajectories of economic modernization of the Visegrad countries in global value chains (GVCs) on the example of the manufacturing industry. It was found that the Visegrad countries are characterised by generally similar trajectories in terms of technological, product, process and structural (in terms of an increase in the exported domestic value added) modernisation. Structural degradation (in terms of a decrease in the share of domestic value added in exports) was also common for all countries. Different directions manifested themselves only within the framework of functional modernisation, since Slovakia, unlike other countries in the group, not only failed to successfully integrate into the value chains in their most profitable functions but also lost its previous positions. As a result, the following trajectories were identified: pronounced development due to foreign capital and technology based on the exploitation of comparative advantages in Slovakia; the longest trajectory (market liberalisation earlier than in all the countries) focused on external capital and technology in Hungary and focus on internal sources of development (industrial heritage) with external financing in Poland and Czechia. It was determined that the main factor that influenced the modernisation of the manufacturing industry was the nature of inclusion in the all-European division of labor, which depended on industry specialisation (and, accordingly, the type of management in value chains), the competitiveness of the industrial heritage of the group of countries, the size of the internal market.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2025;(4 (132)):177-189
177-189
SOCIETY AND RELIGION
Élites and the Church in Italy: Catholic Interpretation of Elitism
Abstract
The article deals with the arguments used by Italian intellectuals, Catholic hierarchs and theologians to explain their interpretation of the concept of “elite” in general and “elite” in the Church. The aim is to present specific features of the ecclesial interpretation of elite theory in a historical and contemporary perspective. The author highlights the ambiguity of the term. The elite continues to be interpreted both in the structuralist-functional perspective as synonymous with aristocracy, establishment, ruling class, and in axiological key as the best elected part of society that possesses an unquestionable authority among fellow citizens by virtue of intelligence, talent, professionalism, etc. Catholic authors study this phenomenon from an axiological point of view. In this contest, the elitism of political elites has a strong negative connotation. This is explained by the establishments lack of “transparency”. As a result, it loses all personal aspect, becoming a mere political function devoid of any moral component. Criticism of social injustice and other “plagues” of the modern world, begun by the Church, could have cracking features typical of “counter-elite” rhetoric if the Church were a purely political community. But since the Churchs mission is not limited to politics, but determined by the evangelizing mission and Christian witness, Catholic theologians oppose any narrow definition that might reduce the clergy to a kind of elite, counter-elite, political or ideological leaders. The Church contrasts the concept of political elitism with the high moral ideal of religious prophetism and Christian witness.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2025;(4 (132)):190–202
190–202
PAGES OF HISTORY
Meiji Opens the Country
Abstract
By the time the shogunate fell in 1868, Japan was developing in isolation from the rest of the world. The country was in a state of economic and social crisis, primarily due to the slowdown in the growth of productive forces and technological backwardness. However, it would be unfair to say that 265 years of isolation under the Tokugawa family were in vain for Japan. By the beginning of the 18th century, Kyoto and Osaka were among the largest cities in the world, and Edo, with a population of over one million people, was the largest one. The country had one of the highest literacy rates, a perfect, although in many ways elitist culture. The state provided the people with a standard of living that was not very high, but quite acceptable. Crafts and trade flourished in the country, and the political system was slowly but constantly modernizing. The main driving force behind the Restoration was the realization of the inevitability of a complete "opening" of the country, both under pressure from foreigners and due to an understanding of Japan's technological backwardness. The events in India and China, where the British and French successfully pursued a colonial policy, also played a significant role in the country's decestan to open itself. Japan closely followed the events in China and looked for ways to avoid a similar fate. After much hesitation, Japan voluntarily and purposefully decided to meet Europe halfway and rebuild its national life along Western lines. The samurai of the principalities of Satsuma, Choshu and Tosa led in the number of attacks on foreigners and on those high-ranking Japanese whom they considered traitors to the country for their concessions to foreigners. However, it was they who ultimately created a channel of communication with foreigners, primarily with the British. They were the first to establish ties with Europe, buying weapons from it and sending young people to study abroad. Throughout the Meiji period, which became a turning point in the history of modern Japan, they ruled the country on behalf of the emperor. Samurai united and decided to turn Japan into a strong and modern state, capable of withstanding any pressure from outside. Paradoxically, Emperor Komei (1831–1867), who actually led the movement "Sonnō-Jōi" (Long live the Emperor – Down with the barbarians) united around the court those who ultimately overthrew the shogunate and opened Japan to the world. Having abolished the shogunate, they did not formally change the political system of the country, at the head of which remained the emperor, and the new system of government they created was based at the beginning of the reforms on the institutions of power that traditionally existed at the court in Kyoto.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2025;(4 (132)):203–217
203–217
REFLECTING ON WHAT WE HAVE READ
Between Socialism and Yugoslavia: Polemical Review of the Biography of Stipe Šuvar
Abstract
The article presents a critical review of a political biography of Stipe Šuvar, a Yugoslav communist and a prominent figure on the left wing of post-socialist Croatia, published by Central Europe (Srednja Evropa) in Zagreb in 2024. The book offers the first comprehensive account of Šuvar’s political and personal trajectory, emphasizing his key role both in the development of Yugoslav socialism and in its dissolution. Given Šuvar’s well-established reputation as a defender of socialism and the Yugoslav federation, the author of the biography seeks to construct a coherent portrayal of his legacy, countering simplified and often critical depictions with a more sympathetic perspective. In contrast to the dominant post-socialist critiques framed through national perspectives, this review questions the default assumption of Šuvar’s ideological consistency, highlighting the fact that his views were also tested by the circumstances and his actions do not always appear to align with the goals of preserving the party and the unity of the state. Despite the detailed and original presentation of ideological and political contradictions within different segments of Yugoslav society, there is a noticeable lack of reflection on the transformation of Šuvar’s own views. The failure or unwillingness of pro-socialist Yugoslav actors to forge a stable inter-republican coalition ultimately had profound consequences for the federation.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2025;(4 (132)):218-227
218-227